Musa Aman’s quiet influence in Sabah’s election
BY: ARNOLD PUYOK
Musa Aman, Sabah’s former chief minister, was appointed the state’s governor in December 2024. At the time, public reaction was mixed but leaned largely negative. His appointment has changed the chessboard of Sabah politics. He is also expected to take a more neutral stance and provide the stability that the state needs.
The public reaction to Musa’s appointment was not surprising. First, public trust in Sabah’s political class was already low due to rampant party-hopping, which contributed to political instability. Second, there were expectations that the post would go to a non-politician — someone seen as above the political fray. Other figures perceived as capable of bringing neutrality and integrity to the role were considered, including Chief Justice Richard Malanjum.
The governor is appointed by Malaysia’s king for a renewable four-year term, after consulting the chief minister. This is partly the reason for his return to power: Musa enjoys the support of politicians indebted to him. This includes politicians in Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS), in particular Chief Minister Hajiji Noor and the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) of Sabah.
Musa, however, is a polarising figure. He served as chief minister from 2003 to 2018, making him the longest-serving top leader in the state’s history. Between 2018 and 2019, he faced multiple corruption charges but was cleared in June 2020 after the deputy public prosecutor withdrew all charges.
Musa’s dramatic fall from power in 2018 is now matched by an equally dramatic return. His re-emergence as governor matters. In Sabah’s often turbulent political history, the role of governor has been central in the appointment of the chief minister. The most cited example is the “palace incident” of 1994, when Joseph Pairin Kitingan, leader of Parti Bersatu Sabah, had to wait outside the Istana (Governor’s Palace) for 36 hours before being granted an audience to be sworn in as chief minister after a narrow election victory.
A similar episode unfolded in 2020. Not long after being cleared of corruption charges, Musa attempted a political comeback by convincing several lawmakers to abandon the Warisan-led state government. This prompted then Chief Minister Shafie Apdal to dissolve the state assembly and call for fresh elections. To avoid the polls, Musa, having secured the support of over 30 state assemblymen, tried to seek an audience with the governor to be sworn in as chief minister — but was denied entry to the Istana. In the end, he failed to get his old job back.
Now, with Musa as governor, the tables have turned. Some perceive his appointment as justifiable, given his stature as a former local strongman. He is also considered a natural choice for the governorship, as he remains widely respected by politicians in GRS and Barisan Nasional. In particular, he commands respect from Sabah UMNO, which he once led.
Musa now holds the authority to open or close the gates of the Istana to any aspiring chief minister. Crucially, his powers have also expanded. In 2023, a clause in the state Constitution was removed. Article 6(7) had required the governor to appoint a chief minister from the party with the most seats in the state assembly. With the removal, the governor legitimised Hajiji Noor’s appointment as chief minister even though he led a minority party (he was backed by a majority of GRS lawmakers).
In effect, Musa has “wide and unfettered” discretion in appointing a chief minister. He has the discretion to appoint any assembly member he believes commands the confidence of the majority, regardless of party affiliation or the number of seats a party holds. He is no longer constrained by whether a candidate is from the largest party, as long as he is satisfied they command majority support in the assembly.
In this context, Musa’s appointment as governor has reshaped the chessboard of Sabah politics. The next chief minister is unlikely to be Shafie, the leader of Warisan, or Bung Moktar, the leader of Sabah UMNO. Both men are being promoted by their respective party supporters as candidates for the post, should their parties secure enough seats to stake a claim. Shafie is an unlikely choice, given his long-standing and bitter rivalry with Musa dating back to their UMNO days. This culminated in a fierce contest for the chief minister’s position in 2018, which Shafie ultimately won. Bung, too, is improbable, as he was reportedly the one who prevented Musa from being renominated as a candidate for the Sungai Sibuga seat in the 2020 state election. Instead, the next chief minister is likely someone Musa can work with and is also “acceptable” to the federal government.
Beyond political calculations, there is an expectation that Musa will rise above partisan interests and provide the stability Sabah so desperately needs. The question is: will he emulate the role King Sultan Abdullah Sultan Ahmad Shah played at the federal level in 2020, when he acted as a stabilising force during a time of political uncertainty? In 2020, the king played a pivotal role in stabilising the country during a political crisis that culminated in the collapse of the Pakatan Harapan government led by Mahathir Mohamad after just 22 months in power. The king’s unprecedented move to interview each Member of Parliament to determine whom they supported as prime minister was described by legal scholar Shad Saleem Faruqi as “unprecedented and admirable”. The move was crucial in resolving the impasse between Muhyiddin Yassin, Mahathir, and Anwar Ibrahim, which ultimately saw Muhyiddin’s appointment as prime minister.
In a political system where legal interpretations and personal discretion intersect, the governor’s role — especially under Musa — may prove to be more powerful and consequential than ever. As Sabah heads into another pivotal election this year, all eyes are not just on the candidates, but also on the man who now holds the keys to the Istana.
Arnold Puyok is a Visiting Senior Fellow at ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute. He is a Senior Lecturer in Politics and Government Studies at the Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Universiti Malaysia Sarawak (UNIMAS).
The above was first published in Fulcrum.