The concept of chauvinism has to be “Ta Pau” first 

BY PHAR KIM BENG

Malaysia has no shortage of ideas for becoming a more prosperous, technologically advanced and globally competitive nation. 

We speak confidently about artificial intelligence, semiconductor manufacturing, the digital economy, renewable energy, the blue economy and becoming a high-income nation. Every government unveils another blueprint, another master plan or another ambitious roadmap.

Yet there remains one obstacle that no economic policy alone can overcome: chauvinism.

Before Malaysia can fully realise its immense potential, chauvinism has to be “ta pau” first.

“Ta pau,” one of Malaysia’s most widely understood colloquial expressions, literally means to pack up food to take away. Politically, however, it offers an apt metaphor. 

Chauvinism should be packed away, removed from the centre of public discourse and no longer served as the staple diet of politics. 

In Islam, Prophet Muhammad saas warned agaist ethnic chauvinism, especially in his last sermon at Mount Arafah.

Malaysia has lived with different forms of chauvinism since before Merdeka. Sometimes it appears as ethnic chauvinism. Sometimes it emerges as religious exclusivism. At other times it takes the form of regional suspicion between Peninsular Malaysia and Sabah and Sarawak.

Increasingly, it is amplified by social media algorithms that reward outrage over understanding and division over dialogue.

Regardless of the form it takes, the underlying message remains remarkably similar: one community can only become stronger if another becomes weaker.

That proposition is fundamentally incompatible with Malaysia’s constitutional framework.

The Federal Constitution was carefully designed to balance competing interests while protecting the country’s historical foundations. Islam is the religion of the Federation. The special position of the Malays and the natives of Sabah and Sarawak is recognised. The legitimate interests of other communities are also protected. The constitutional monarchy remains a vital pillar of national stability.

The Constitution is therefore not a charter for perpetual conflict but a framework for peaceful coexistence.

Yet political rhetoric often ignores this balance. Instead of strengthening confidence in the Constitution, some political actors repeatedly insist that entire communities remain under existential threat despite the existence of constitutional guarantees. Others respond by advancing equally uncompromising narratives of their own.

The result is a competition of insecurities rather than a competition of ideas.

This is precisely how chauvinism survives.

Chauvinism does not necessarily begin with hatred. More often, it begins with fear. Fear that one’s culture is disappearing. Fear that economic opportunities are shrinking. Fear that political influence is declining. Fear that future generations may lose what previous generations built.

These fears deserve to be heard and addressed. But they should never be manipulated for political mobilisation.

Once fear becomes the principal currency of politics, compromise becomes weakness, moderation becomes betrayal and every election becomes an existential battle rather than a democratic contest.

Malaysia cannot afford such a trajectory.

The country faces challenges that are already formidable enough. The cost of living continues to weigh heavily on households. Artificial intelligence is transforming employment patterns faster than many anticipated. Global supply chains remain uncertain. Strategic competition among major powers increasingly affects Southeast Asia. Climate change continues to disrupt agriculture, fisheries and infrastructure.

None of these problems can be solved through ethnic grandstanding.

An engineer designing better chips does not ask whether electrons belong to one race or another. Scientists searching for new vaccines do not sequence genomes according to political affiliation. Investors considering Malaysia evaluate governance, policy consistency, infrastructure and human capital, not the volume of chauvinistic speeches delivered during election campaigns.

Economic competitiveness requires trust.

Innovation requires openness.

National resilience requires unity.

Chauvinism weakens all three.

Malaysia’s greatest strength has never been uniformity. It has always been the country’s extraordinary diversity managed through constitutional accommodation, political negotiation and cultural adaptation. 

That process has never been perfect, but it has allowed Malaysia to remain remarkably stable compared with many societies that experienced similar levels of diversity.

The task today is not to erase differences but to prevent differences from becoming permanent political weapons.

This also requires greater civic confidence. Malaysians should have sufficient confidence in the Constitution, the institutions of the country and one another to reject narratives that rely exclusively on fear. Citizens should demand evidence rather than slogans, policy rather than provocation and solutions rather than scapegoats.

Political leaders likewise bear a heavy responsibility. Leadership is measured not by the ability to inflame emotions but by the courage to calm them. Statesmanship requires expanding the circle of trust, not narrowing it.

The media and social media platforms also have important roles. Algorithms often reward the loudest voices rather than the wisest ones. Sensationalism generates clicks, but it also fragments society. Public discourse should encourage thoughtful disagreement without descending into mutual suspicion.

Education is equally important. Young Malaysians should learn that patriotism is not synonymous with hostility towards fellow citizens. Loving one’s own community should never require diminishing another. National identity becomes stronger when multiple identities coexist with mutual respect rather than mutual fear.

This is where the idea of “Da-Mah” or “One Big Malaysia” becomes especially relevant. It represents the aspiration that Malaysians, while respecting the historical foundations of the nation and the constitutional position of the Malays, can simultaneously embrace the equal dignity of every citizen. It is an inclusive rather than exclusionary understanding of nationhood.

An enlightened Malaysia—what may be described as “Chang-Ming-Da-Mah”—cannot flourish if chauvinism continues to dominate political discourse. Enlightenment requires confidence. Confidence requires trust. Trust cannot survive where every political conversation begins by identifying enemies within.

Malaysia deserves better.

The nation’s future will not be determined solely by GDP growth, export figures or technological breakthroughs. It will also be determined by whether Malaysians choose confidence over fear, cooperation over suspicion and constitutional patriotism over chauvinism.

Perhaps it is time to borrow one of our most familiar expressions. Before serving Malaysia’s next chapter, let us first “ta pau” chauvinism.

Only then can the country truly move forward as one people, one federation and one shared future.

Phar Kim Beng, is a Professor of ASEAN Studies Director, Institute of International and ASEAN Studies (IINTAS) International Islamic University Malaysia (IIUM)